Chapter IV:
THE PRINCIPLE OF THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE OF AMERICA
IT DOMINATES the whole society in America--Application
made of this principle by the Americans even before their
Revolution--Development given to it by that Revolution--Gradual
and irresistible extension of the elective qualification.
The political laws of the United States are to be
discussed, it is with the doctrine of the sovereignty of the
people that we must begin.
The principle of the sovereignty of the people, which is
always to be found, more or less, at the bottom of almost all
human institutions, generally remains there concealed from view.
It is obeyed without being recognized, or if for a moment it is
brought to light, it is hastily cast back into the gloom of the
sanctuary.
"The will of the nation" is one of those phrases, that
have been most largely abused by the wily and the despotic of
every age. Some have seen the expression of it in the purchased
suffrages of a few of the satellites of power; others, in the
votes of a timid or an interested minority; and some have even
discovered it in the silence of a people, on the supposition
that the fact of submission established the right to command.
In America the principle of the sovereignty of the people
is NEIther barren nor concealed, as it is with some other
nations; it is recognized by the customs and proclaimed by the
laws; it spreads freely, and arrives without impediment at its
most remote consequences If there is a country in the world
where the doctrine of the sovereignty of the people can be
fairly appreciated, where it an be studied in its application to
the affairs of society, and where its dangers and its advantages
may be judged, that country is assuredly America.
I have already observed that, from their origin, the
sovereignty of the people was the fundamental principle of most
of the British colonies in America. It was far, however, from
then exercising as much influence on the government of society
as it now does. Two obstacles, the one external, the other
internal, checked its invasive progress.
It could not ostensibly disclose itself in the laws of
colonies which were still forced to obey the mother country; it
was therefore obliged to rule secretly in the provincial
assemblies, and especially in the townships.
American society at that time was not yet prepared to
adopt it with all its consequences. Intelligence in New England
and wealth in the country to the south of the Hudson (as I have
shown in the preceding chapter) long exercised a sort of
aristocratic influence, which tended to keep the exercise of
social power in the hands of a few. Not all the public
functionaries were chosen by popular vote, nor were all the
citizens voters. The electoral franchise was everywhere somewhat
restricted and made dependent on a certain qualification, which
was very low in the North and more considerable in the South.
The American Revolution broke out, and the doctrine of the
sovereignty of the people came out of the townships and took
possession of the state. Every class was enlisted in its cause;
battles were fought and victories obtained for it; it became the
law of laws.
A change almost as rapid was effected in the interior of
society, where the law of inheritance completed the abolition of
local influences.
As soon as this effect of the laws and of the Revolution
became apparent to every eye, victory was irrevocably pronounced
in favor of the democratic cause. All power was, in fact, in its
hands, and resistance was no longer possible. The higher orders
submitted without a murmur and without a struggle to an evil
that was thenceforth inevitable. The ordinary fate of falling
powers awaited them: each of their members followed his own
interest; and as it was impossible to wring the power from the
hands of a people whom they did not detest sufficiently to
brave, their only aim was to secure its goodwill at any price.
The most democratic laws were consequently voted by the very men
whose interests they impaired: and thus, although the higher
classes did not excite the passions of the people against their
order, they themselves accelerated the triumph of the new state
of things; so that, by a singular change, the democratic impulse
was found to be most irresistible in the very states where the
aristocracy had the firmest hold. The state of Maryland, which
had been founded by men of rank, was the first to proclaim
universal suffrage 1 and to introduce the most democratic forms
into the whole of its government.
When a nation begins to modify the elective qualification,
it may easily be foreseen that, sooner or later, that
qualification will be entirely abolished. There is no more
invariable rule in the history of society: the further electoral
rights are extended, the greater is the need of extending them;
for after each concession the strength of the democracy
increases, and its demands increase with its strength. The
ambition of those who are below the appointed rate is irritated
in exact proportion to the great number of those who are above
it. The exception at last becomes the rule, concession follows
concession, and no stop can be made short of universal suffrage.
At the present day the principle of the sovereignty of the
people has acquired in the United States all the practical
development that the imagination can conceive. It is
unencumbered by those fictions that are thrown over it in other
countries, and it appears in every possible form, according to
the exigency of the occasion. Sometimes the laws are made by the
people in a body, as at Athens; and sometimes its
representatives, chosen by universal suffrage, transact business
in its name and under its immediate supervision.
In some countries a power exists which, though it is in a
degree foreign to the social body, directs it, and forces it to
pursue a certain track. In others the ruling force is divided,
being partly within and partly without the ranks of the people.
But nothing of the kind is to be seen in the United States;
there society governs itself for itself. All power centers in
its bosom, and scarcely an individual is to be met with who
would venture to conceive or, still less, to express the idea of
seeking it elsewhere. The nation participates in the making of
its laws by the choice of its legislators, and in the execution
of them by the choice of the agents of the executive government;
it may almost be said to govern itself, so feeble and so
restricted is the share left to the administration, so little do
the authorities forget their popular origin and the power from
which they emanate. The people reign in the American political
world as the Deity does in the universe. They are the cause and
the aim of all things; everything comes from them, and
everything is absorbed in them.2
Footnotes
1 Amendment made to the Constitution of Maryland in 1801 and
1809.
2 See Appendix H.
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